Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Analysis of the Obstacles to Political Freedom Based on Quranic Teachings with an Emphasis on Verses 63-73 of Surah Taha 11 34 80170 10.22081/jips.2026.80170 EN Seyed Ali Akbar Hosseini Ramandi Assistant Professor, Department of Quranic Culture and Teachings, Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2026 08 02 This research aims to explain and analyze the obstacles to political freedom based on the teachings of the Holy Quran. The main issue of the article is that in the Quranic system, political freedom is not understood merely as liberation from external constraints; rather, it acquires meaning in deep connection with monotheism (tawḥīd), servitude to God (ʿubūdiyya), and the existential orientation of the human being. Therefore, the research seeks to clarify what factors hinder the realization of political freedom from the Quran's perspective and how these obstacles prevent human beings from attaining true freedom. The central question of this research is: what are the obstacles to political freedom in the Quran? The article is founded on the premise that if political freedom in Quranic thought has a specific meaning, levels, and ultimate goal, then its obstacles must also be identified and analyzed at various levels. Therefore, the main objective of the research is to extract and classify the internal and external obstacles to political freedom and to explain their relationship to the concept of divine lordship (rubūbiyya) and the rejection of domination by anyone other than God. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical with an intra-religious approach. The data and evidence of the research have been collected and analyzed based on the verses of the Holy Quran, a conceptual reading of Quranic teachings, and an analysis of the relationship between fundamental concepts such as freedom, ṭāghūt (false deities or tyrannical forces), arrogance (istikbār), servitude to God, and divine lordship. In this method, the author, relying on the religious text and its semantic contents, analyzes the conceptual structure of political freedom and extracts its obstacles from within the epistemological system of the Quran. The findings of the article indicate that freedom in the Quran has three levels or three ultimate goals: initial freedom, intermediate freedom, and ultimate freedom. These stages demonstrate that freedom in the Quranic perspective is not a single-layered, merely political matter, but rather a gradual and transcendent process that begins with initial forms of liberation and leads to complete, divine freedom. Within this framework, the obstacles to political freedom can be identified in two main categories: internal obstacles and external obstacles. Among the internal obstacles are following false assumptions, instinctual tendencies, and carnal desires, which prevent a person from recognizing the truth and making free choices. At the external level, factors such as ṭāghūt (tyrannical or false authorities), arrogance, opposition to reason, avoidance of certainty, pseudo-consciousness, and incomplete or false understandings of the criteria of freedom have been identified as obstacles to the realization of political freedom. The article shows that these obstacles not only undermine a person's intellectual and political independence but also keep them trapped in cycles of domination and dependency. The final conclusion of the research is that accepting the lordship of anyone other than God is the most fundamental obstacle to true and political freedom in the Quran. In other words, whenever a person or a society departs from the sphere of monotheism (tawhid) and divine servitude and accepts the domination of ṭāghūt (tyrannical forces), arrogance, or carnal desires, the possibility of realizing genuine political freedom is also weakened. Therefore, from the Quran's perspective, political freedom is not defined by the negation of all constraints, but rather by liberation from non-divine domination and conscious commitment to the truth of monotheism. By highlighting this point, the article demonstrates that political freedom in Quranic teachings is not merely a legal or social matter, but an epistemic, moral, and existential reality whose realization depends on removing internal and external obstacles and moving toward divine lordship.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80170_8d3a018093299467fa00e8c6db20091c.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Syllogism as a Method in Political Science 35 52 80171 10.22081/jips.2026.80171 EN Bahram Dalir Assistant Professor, Research Institute of Islamic Culture and Thought, Tehran, Iran Ali Dalir Level Three in Islamic Philosophy, Esra Institute, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2026 08 02 The fundamental aim of this research is to elucidate the place of syllogism not merely as a formal tool within the discipline of logic, but as a comprehensive research method in political science. Confronting a general problem (assessing the feasibility of transforming logical discussions into a research method) and a specific problem (how to apply the syllogism in political research), this article seeks to demonstrate how logical structures of reasoning can be used to escape methodological impasses in political science. It appears that such efficacy can be achieved through the syllogistic method; the operational objective of the research is to provide a roadmap that enables the political researcher to attain "rational necessity" and "demonstrative certainty" in various types of research—historical, descriptive, explanatory, and interpretive—instead of relying on conjecture or fragmented explanations. Furthermore, this article is committed to the indigenization of political science methodology by drawing on the rich Iranian-Islamic heritage (the works of Avicenna, Suhrawardī, and Mullā Ṣadrā), thereby strengthening rationality and wisdom in the domains of policymaking and governance. The research findings show that the logical syllogism is applicable in explanatory research through the use of propter quid or a priori (cause to effect) (limmī) and quia or a posteriori (effect to cause) (innī) methods, and in interpretive research for reconstructing the internal logic of ideas. In descriptive research, the application of various types of logical propositions (categorical and compound) elevates the description of phenomena from the level of mere reporting to the level of regulated analysis. The syllogistic method is also applicable in the analysis of policymaking processes (such as negotiation or political participation). As far as has been investigated, no prior work with these characteristics has been found.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80171_33e3fec3a489bc802ca04b257acac879.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Activism in a Structural Crisis: An Analysis of the Relationship between the Authority of Sayyid Muhammad Sadr and the Ba'athist Regime in Iraq (1991–1999) 53 70 79990 10.22081/jips.2026.74941.1106 EN Mohamad Javad Khalili Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Islamic Denominations, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, Iran. Journal Article 2026 06 02 The relationship between Shia religious authority (marja’iyya) and the modern political structure in Iraq, particularly during the rule of the Ba'ath Party, is one of the key issues in the study of contemporary Iraqi political history. The 1990s—following Iraq's defeat in the Kuwait War (1991) and the imposition of extensive international sanctions—marked a period of deep economic, social, and legitimacy crises for the Ba'athist state. Under these conditions, a distinctive model of religious and social activism emerged from Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Muhammad-Al-Sadr al-Sani (the Second Sadr) within Iraq's Shia community, drawing the attention of many researchers. The central question of this study is: How did Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Sadr, within an authoritarian yet crisis-ridden political structure, manage to organize his religious and social activism and expand it across society? In the existing literature on Shia religious authority in Iraq, two main models have typically been emphasized: the model of explicit political activism, analyzed in relation to Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad-Baqir al-Sadr, and the model of caution and preservation of the marja’iyya institution, prominent in the activism of Ayatollah Sayyid Abul-Qasim al-Khoei. However, the activism of Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Sadr in the 1990s has rarely been analyzed independently and within a theoretical framework. This study, employing the theoretical framework of "structure–agency" and using a historical-analytical method along with library-based data, examines the relationship between the structural conditions of Iraq in the 1990s and the activism of Ayatollah Sadr. The findings indicate that the crisis-ridden conditions of Iraq's political structure during this period created grounds for the emergence of new forms of religious and social activism. Ayatollah Sadr played an active role in organizing this activism by utilizing tools such as reviving Friday prayers, expanding direct communication with the masses, and strengthening the social function of the marja’iyya.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_79990_17a7299ca3807c99e514e1853f19c12c.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Factors Affecting Voter Behavior with a View to Declining Participation in the Fourteenth Election Cycle in the Islamic Republic of Iran 71 92 80172 10.22081/jips.2026.80172 EN Alireza Razi PhD., Candidate, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran Abbasali Rahbar Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran Mohammadbagher Khorramshad Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran Ebrahim Barzegar Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2026 08 02 The present study primarily aims to analyze and trace the roots of various factors influencing Iranian voters' behavior, with a focus on the reasons for declining participation in the fourteenth presidential election cycle. Accordingly, the question arises as to what structural and functional factors have laid the groundwork for the reduced participation rate in this election cycle, and what commonalities or differences exist between this phenomenon and similar instances in the United States and certain European countries. This research has been conducted using a qualitative descriptive-analytical method; the required data, in addition to library sources, written documents, and reputable articles, have been extracted and analyzed through the systematic enumeration and examination of the opinions, interviews, notes, and positions of forty prominent political experts and leading journalists. The research findings indicate that livelihood problems and economic challenges, the continuation of international sanctions, the lack of formation and dynamism of strong political parties, the emergence of political disorientation and anomie (political apathy), the perception that votes have no impact on the fate of society, declining social capital and distrust in official institutions, and finally, the limited diversity of candidates to cover all political persuasions, have been the primary drivers of reduced participation. Ultimately, the research results suggest that voter behavior in Iran is the product of the synergy between economic crises and structural blockages; therefore, restoring the participation rate in the future will not be achieved through one-dimensional approaches, but rather requires the tangible reconstruction of social capital, the revival of pluralistic partisanship, the reproduction of a sense that the ballot box is effective in elite circulation, and a tangible improvement in the people's livelihood conditions.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80172_f4a9f929f0add1603a5624ce0bc11b78.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 The Council (Shūrā) in Sunni Thought, with an Emphasis on Iranian Sunnis 93 116 80173 10.22081/jips.2026.80173 EN Abdolrahman Mirani PhD, Political Science, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, SR.C., Tehran, Iran. Majid Tavasoli Roknabadi Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, SR.C., Tehran, Iran Naser Marivani Department of Law and Jurisprudence, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, SR.C., Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2026 08 02 This research aims to examine and elucidate the place of the concept of "shūrā" (counsel) in Sunni political thought and to analyze how it is reflected and formulated among Iranian Sunnis. As one of the fundamental concepts in Islamic sources, shūrā has always been regarded in Muslim political thought as a mechanism for consultation, participation in decision-making, and the management of public affairs, and throughout various historical periods, diverse interpretations and models of it have been presented. Given this background, the main question of this research is: how does the political rationality of Iran's Sunnis understand and explain the concept of shūrā in connection with the intellectual tradition of Sunnism in the broader Islamic world, and what configurations has this concept assumed within the framework of Iran's social and political conditions? This research has been conducted using a qualitative approach and employing the method of content analysis of written sources, and alongside this, some field observations have also been used to supplement the data. Within this framework, the views of Sunni scholars regarding shūrā in classical and contemporary texts have been examined, and subsequently, the manner in which these views are reflected among Iranian Sunnis has been analyzed. The research findings indicate that shūrā in Sunni political thought is regarded as a concept grounded in religious teachings and as a mechanism for harnessing collective wisdom in the administration of community affairs. In contemporary Sunni literature, this concept has likewise been formulated largely within two general frameworks: "general/public shūrā" and "elite shūrā." An examination of the views and experiences of Iran's Sunnis shows that this concept, in interaction with the intellectual tradition of the broader Islamic world and while taking into account the social and institutional requirements of the country, has been re-examined and interpreted in forms appropriate to the local context. Accordingly, it can be said that Iranian Sunni thought, in continuity with the intellectual tradition of Sunnism in the broader Islamic world, has regarded the concept of shūrā as a mechanism for consultation and participation in the management of public affairs, and has sought to interpret and apply it within the framework of Iran's social and institutional conditions.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80173_23db6cdcd701d950176daa8675cfd749.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Reconstruction of Communicative Rationality in Contemporary Islamic Dawah Discourse Based on the Quran and Sunnah 117 140 79824 10.22081/jips.2026.74437.1103 EN Rasol Rasolikia PhD., student, Quran and Hadith Sciences, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, East Azerbaijan Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran. Ahmad Amiri Department of Theology, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, East Azerbaijan Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran Nazi Abdulapour Department of Theology, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, East Azerbaijan Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran Journal Article 2026 04 06 Invitation to Islam (Da'wah) has been a living and dynamic manifestation of religion's presence in the realm of social communication and human guidance since the beginning of the Prophet's mission. The Holy Quran, through its triad of "wisdom, good admonition, and disputation in the best manner" (Q. 16:125), has outlined a comprehensive framework for the communicative logic of Da'wah, in which religious guidance is founded upon rationality, ethics, and dialogue. However, in the recent century, following extensive epistemological, media-related, and civilizational transformations, the discourse of Islamic Da'wah has faced challenges in the realm of communication and interaction with the contemporary audience. The present study, employing the method of critical discourse analysis and in light of the teachings of the Quran and the Prophetic Sunnah, analyzes this situation and undertakes the reconstruction of communicative rationality in contemporary Islamic Da'wah discourse. The research findings indicate that the fundamental problem in the current state of Islamic Da'wah lies not in the epistemological richness of the religion or the weakness of its content, but rather in the disorder and rupture of "communicative rationality" — a rationality that, in certain contemporary manifestations, has deviated from the prophetic model of dialogue and, in relation to the media world and new communicative spaces, has become ambiguous and reactive. Based on this analysis, the article, drawing upon revelatory foundations, the theory of communicative rationality, and historical experiences of Islamic Da'wah, presents a proposed model for reconstructing communicative rationality organized around five axes: wisdom as dialogical practical rationality, dialogue ethics as the foundation of Da'wah interaction, rational persuasion beyond emotional arousal, strengthening discursive solidarity within the Islamic ummah, and the reproduction of Da'wah language in accordance with contemporary media and cultural transformations. Accordingly, the innovation of this research lies in presenting an integrated model of Quranic rationality and modern communication theories, which can open new horizons for the effective, dialogue-centered revival of Islamic Da'wah in the contemporary world.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_79824_1fb6f154f017435083e3793ecb43b16a.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 The Role of Spirituality in Sustainable Progress in the Statement on the Second Phase of the Revolution 141 158 80175 10.22081/jips.2026.69698.1061 EN Seyyed Mohammadreza Mostafavi-Nia PhD., Candidate, Department of Political Science (Political Sociology), Faculty of Theology, Law, and Political Science, SR.C., Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Najaf Lakzaee Professor, Department of Political Science, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran Masoud Motallebi Department of Political Science, Faculty of Political Science, C.T.C., Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2024 08 12 Sustainable progress has, in recent decades, become one of the foundational concepts in the progress literature. It emphasizes achieving a balance between improving the quality of life for the present generation and preserving vital resources and capacities for future generations. Within the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, however, this concept is not confined to economic and environmental indicators; rather, it is defined within a value-based and civilizational framework in which spirituality occupies a central position. The Statement on the Second Phase of the Islamic Revolution, as the strategic document for the continuation and deepening of the Revolution, presents spirituality and ethics as the guiding principles of all individual and social endeavors. The central question of this study is what role the conception of spirituality articulated in the Statement on the Second Phase of the Islamic Revolution plays in achieving sustainable progress in Iranian society, and how it can, as a fundamental variable, strengthen the institutional and social mechanisms of progress. Using a descriptive-analytical method and drawing upon documentary and library sources, this study first conceptualizes spirituality on the basis of the views of the Supreme Leader and the Islamic intellectual tradition, identifying its principal components as faith, sincerity, self-sacrifice, trust in God, and refraining from making assertions without knowledge. It then formulates the concept of sustainable progress within the theoretical framework of the threefold model of the Triangle of the Governance System, the Triangle of Capitals, and the Triangle of Decentralization, and analyzes the relationship between these three domains and the components of spirituality. The study's theoretical framework is founded on the premise that spirituality stands not in opposition to rationality and development, but rather functions as their animating spirit and guiding force, capable of enhancing the quality of both individual and institutional action in the pursuit of sustainable progress. The findings indicate that within the domain of the Governance System—comprising political culture, good governance, and an interactive foreign policy—the promotion of spirituality strengthens political ethics, fosters greater tolerance and forbearance, enhances accountability and transparency, and reinforces the fight against corruption. In turn, these developments increase social capital and institutional stability. Within such a framework, political rationality transcends a merely instrumental level and becomes integrated with ethics and commitment, thereby laying the groundwork for effective governance and constructive engagement in the international arena. Within the domain of the Triangle of Capitals, spirituality plays a decisive role in the formation and strengthening of social capital by fostering public trust, social cohesion, and informed civic participation. It also deepens the spirit of sincerity and self-sacrifice among elites and professionals, thereby reducing the emigration of human capital while reinforcing motivation for service and social responsibility. With respect to financial capital, spirituality curbs consumerism and excessive profit-seeking, redirecting idle capital toward production and other productive economic activities, thereby creating the conditions for sustainable employment and mitigating social problems. Within the domain of the Triangle of Decentralization—encompassing political, administrative-managerial, and economic decentralization—spirituality strengthens moral conscience and collective responsibility, whereby creating the conditions for effective public participation in democratic processes, the delegation of authority to local levels, and the merit-based implementation of privatization. In the absence of spirituality, these processes may give rise to rent-seeking, corruption, and inefficiency. By contrast, the presence of spiritual values serves to ensure justice, transparency, and effectiveness across these domains. In conclusion, spirituality in the Statement on the Second Phase of the Islamic Revolution is not merely an ethical or personal recommendation; rather, it constitutes a strategic variable in the architecture of the Islamic Republic of Iran's sustainable progress. By forging a connection between divine values and institutional mechanisms, it has the potential to produce a distinctive model of progress in which material development, social justice, human dignity, and the preservation of natural resources are integrated within a coherent framework. Accordingly, the realization of sustainable progress in the Second Phase of the Revolution requires the institutionalization of spirituality within the country's educational, administrative, and cultural systems, together with its systematic integration into macro-level development policymaking.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80175_a5418cb798dcd48640aac88c81323960.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Comparative Analysis of Political Legitimacy in the Thought of Mirzā-ye Nāʾīnī and David Beetham: With an Emphasis on the Complementary Role of the People and Legality 159 180 80176 10.22081/jips.2026.80176 EN Reza Isania Assistant Professor, Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy, Qom, Iran. Hamid Nikrou MA., Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2026 08 02 The question of political legitimacy in a religious government during the age of occultation (ghaybat) has always stood at the intersection of a historical and theoretical tension between "divine rightfulness" (derived from scriptural text and designation) and "popular acceptability" (derived from public consent and allegiance). In the context of the Constitutional Crisis, Mirzā Nāʾīnī faced the challenge of reconciling the jurisprudential tradition with political modernity. Previous comparative studies in this field have largely contented themselves with superficial and formal comparisons of concepts, while neglecting a precise analysis of the ontological and epistemological distinctions between classical jurisprudential theories and modern theories of political sociology. The central question of this research is whether, by moving beyond reductionism, it is possible to uncover the hidden layers of legitimacy in the political thought of Mirzā Nāʾīnī using the three-layered theoretical framework of David Beetham. In particular, the concepts of "allegiance" (bayʿa) and "oversight by the wise" in Shiite political jurisprudence have often been treated as merely legal or ceremonial terms; yet in Nāʾīnī's reading, these concepts perform a vital function in completing and consolidating legitimacy. What exactly is the role of this popular layer in preventing the transformation of a "guardianship-based" (wilāya) government into a "proprietary-domineering" (tamlikiyya) one, and how can the modern mechanisms of power limitation be explained without reducing divine foundations to a social contract? The present research aims to move beyond the superficiality of previous comparisons by undertaking a critical and structural analysis of Nāʾīnī’s political thought as articulated in his work Tanbīh al-Umma and David Beetham's three-layered model. The ultimate goal is to demonstrate that Nāʾīnī, with jurisprudential acumen, utilized the capacities of both "sacred law" (sharia) and "constitutional law" to create a "functional equivalence" with modern theories for the purpose of limiting power and preventing despotism, without reducing the ontological foundations of Shiite jurisprudence. A further objective is to redefine "allegiance" not as the origin of legitimacy, but as a "complementary supervisory institution" to address the question of how to guarantee efficiency and justice during the age of occultation. The research method is descriptive-analytical with a comparative-structural approach. Data have been collected through library research, with direct reference to primary sources, including the treatise Tanbīh al-Umma wa-Tanzīh al-Milla (edited by Hosseinian) and David Beetham's (1991) principal work, The Legitimation of Power. This approach ensures that key concepts such as "guardianship," "proprietary-domineering rule," "general permission" (idhn ʿāmm), and "expressed consent" are analyzed in their original contexts without distortion through secondary translations. The findings of the research show that although Nāʾīnī's mechanisms exhibit structural overlap with Beetham's model (conformity to rules, shared beliefs, and expressed consent), they are ontologically quite distinct. In the first layer, rules in Beetham's model are positivist and worldly in nature, whereas in Nāʾīnī's thought the constitution "discloses" (kashf) the fixed divine ordinances. In the second layer, shared beliefs in Beetham's view arise from social consensus, whereas Nāʾīnī grounds them in "rational good and evil" (ḥusn wa-qubḥ ʿaqlī). The most significant finding lies in the third layer: in Beetham's model, popular consent is one of the principal pillars constituting the "origin" of legitimacy; however, in Nāʾīnī's intellectual system, popular allegiance and participation are never the "origin of creating rightfulness" but rather merely the "condition of actualization" and the "guardian" of a pre-existing divine legitimacy. In other words, without popular consent and oversight, in Nāʾīnī's view the government loses its quality of "guardianship" and degenerates into "proprietary despotism" (istibdād tamlīkī), becoming practically unworkable. Ultimately, this research demonstrates that Shīʿī political jurisprudence does not need to secularize its foundations or merely adopt Western theories in order to engage with modern political concepts. By carefully distinguishing between the "divine origin of legitimacy" and the "popular process of its consolidation," Nāʾīnī offers a model of "hybrid legitimacy." This framework explains how—without reducing religion to a mere social contract, and by elevating "allegiance" from a simple disclosive act to a "complementary supervisory institution"—one can both prevent deviation toward religious despotism and ensure stable political authority during the age of occultation. This achievement opens the way for a reformulation of the relationship between religion and democracy in contemporary Islamic societies and shows that the Shīʿī jurisprudential tradition possesses an internal capacity to reproduce modern concepts of governance without losing its theoretical authenticity.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80176_c46f248f88a2c6dbf0a63ed84e1e9e4a.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 A Reflection on Abū Ḥanīfa's Political Thought through the Lens of Spriggens' Problematic Logic 181 204 80177 10.22081/jips.2026.80177 EN Fasihi Dolatshahi Fasihi Dolatshahi Ph.D., Al-Mustafa International University, Qom, Iran; Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Dawat University, Kabul, Afghanistan. Journal Article 2026 08 02 This study aims to analyze Abū Ḥanīfa's political thought within the context of the political and intellectual crises of his era, and seeks to demonstrate how this thought was shaped in response to the turbulent and tense conditions of the Islamic world in the early centuries. The main question of the research is what analysis Abū Ḥanīfa offered regarding phenomena such as political despotism, lawlessness, the corruption of rulers, the lack of judicial independence, and intellectual and theological disorder, and how his political thought was formulated in reaction to this critical situation. Within this framework, the article attempts to clarify whether Abū Ḥanīfa's positions were merely a moral and individual reaction to the conditions of his time, or whether they can be interpreted as a coherent framework for understanding the relationship between power, justice, and human responsibility within the Islamic legal and political tradition. This research has been conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and employing Spriggens' problematic logic. The research data have been collected and analyzed based on historical sources, works attributed to Abū Ḥanīfa, and accounts and reports related to his political actions and positions. Within this framework, the political and intellectual crisis of Abū Ḥanīfa's era is first formulated, and then his theoretical and practical response to this situation is examined in order to clarify the relationship between the historical conditions and the formation of his political thought. The research findings indicate that Abū Ḥanīfa did not interpret the crisis of his time merely at the level of moral or social disorders, but regarded it as the result of unjust power structures, coercive and dominant rule, political corruption, and the spread of lawlessness. Within this framework, by critiquing deterministic tendencies, he emphasized the role of human will and choice in the formation of social order or disorder, thus highlighting human political and moral responsibility. Furthermore, in his thought, human freedom and rationality hold a fundamental place, and government should not interfere in matters pertaining to the choice and judgment of a rational person. An examination of Abū Ḥanīfa's practical positions also shows that he did not cooperate with the despotic governments of his time and adopted a critical stance against oppression and injustice. From this perspective, his thought can be seen as an effort to counter despotism, critique a political order based on coercion and domination, and defend rationality and human responsibility in the sphere of politics. In sum, the research results show that Abū Ḥanīfa's political thought was a coherent response to the political and intellectual crises of his era—a response shaped by critiquing tyranny and despotism, defending rationality and human freedom, and emphasizing human responsibility vis-à-vis political power. This rereading can be significant for the historical understanding of the relationship between jurisprudence and politics in the Islamic tradition, as well as for rethinking the foundations of justice and political legitimacy in the Islamic world.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80177_b60a1023767e7051a9e5c36de7b29232.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Assessing the Relationship between Resistance and Defensive Jihad in Shiite Political Jurisprudence 205 222 80178 10.22081/jips.2026.80178 EN Seyyed Ali Asghar Alavi Assistant Professor, Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy, Qom, Iran Mahmoud Fallah Assistant Professor, Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2026 08 02 This research aims to explain the relationship between "resistance" and "defensive jihad" in Shiite political jurisprudence, examining whether these two concepts are synonymous or whether there are serious distinctions between them in terms of nature, scope, and function. Given the importance of defending the Islamic polity and its role in preserving the security and cohesion of Islamic society, one of the significant challenges in political jurisprudence is the precise differentiation between resistance and defense. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and based on ijtihad methodology, this article analyzes relevant theoretical sources and foundations and demonstrates that resistance is a broad, strategic, and comprehensive concept that can be articulated and applied across various political, cultural, economic, security, wartime, peacetime, and negotiating arenas; whereas defensive jihad is a more limited concept, largely pertaining to practical engagement with threats and aggression in the domain of defense and security. The findings of this research indicate that in Shiite political jurisprudence, resistance is understood as a coherent strategy for safeguarding the identity and existence of Islamic society, and defensive jihad is considered one of the operational mechanisms and significant instances of resistance under specific circumstances. Accordingly, the conceptual distinction between resistance and defensive jihad is essential for a more precise understanding of the functions of defense, security, and sound governance in Islamic political thought.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80178_f45f9ed0df2f6e283f4c0a56b57ee6c2.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 From Individual Service to a Service-Oriented Network: The Role of E-Governance in Enhancing the Effectiveness of Islamic Governance 223 246 80179 10.22081/jips.2026.80179 EN Seyyed Gholamreza Mousavi Assistant Professor, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2026 08 02 Efficiency in Islamic governance is not merely a technical or administrative indicator; rather, it constitutes a fundamental component of legitimacy, the realization of justice, and the protection of the public's rights (ḥaqq al-nās) in the public sphere. Nevertheless, the country's administrative system faces challenges such as an overgrown bureaucracy, fragmented and overlapping processes, weak institutional coordination, and inefficiencies in the delivery of public services. These challenges undermine the realization of effective governance and, consequently, the functional legitimacy of the political system. Against this backdrop, the central question of this study is how e-governance can be employed to reduce bureaucratic burdens, enhance transparency, and improve the effectiveness of Islamic governance within the framework of the wilāya (guardianship) system and the model of the servant-leader. The study hypothesizes that sustainable effectiveness in Islamic governance cannot be achieved either through the mere digitization of public services or solely through the personal virtues of administrators. Rather, it requires the establishment of a servant network founded upon e-governance—a data-driven network of institutions, processes, and electronic systems in which monitoring mechanisms and transparency, informed by agency theory, serve to institutionalize servant leadership and accountability. The theoretical framework of the study is based on a transition from agency theory to servant leadership theory and on elevating servant leadership from the level of an individual virtue to that of a structural and networked institutional principle. Within this framework, agency theory, by emphasizing the potential conflict of interests between the principal (the umma and the institution of wilāya) and the agents (government agencies and public administrators), demonstrates the necessity of transparency, oversight, and data-driven control. Servant leadership theory, in turn, emphasizes stewardship, service, and managerial responsibility, thereby providing the normative orientation of governance. By integrating these two perspectives, the study introduces the concept of servant e-governance as the institutional foundation for realizing a servant network. This research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology with a prescriptive orientation. The findings indicate that the digitization of services, in the absence of process redesign, data integration, role clarification, and effective mechanisms for evaluation and accountability, merely transforms the form of bureaucracy without improving its performance. By contrast, the establishment of an E-Governance Management Center under the institution of wilāya, serving as the strategic coordinator and supervisory authority of the servant network, can reduce the cost and time of service delivery, enhance transparency, strengthen accountability, improve perceptions of procedural justice, and align the interests of agents with the public good. In doing so, it provides the conditions necessary for achieving sustainable governmental effectiveness and, consequently, reinforcing the functional legitimacy of the Islamic political system. Accordingly, servant e-governance is presented as a necessary condition for realizing effective Islamic governance.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_80179_b91369687a7e0878c28082ede221a843.pdf

Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy Journal of Islamic Political Studies 2676-2943 8 2 2026 07 01 Genealogy of Qatar’s Developmentalist Foreign Policy: Presenting a Model of Governance in Contemporary Islamic Political Thought (1995–2025) 247 268 79991 10.22081/jips.2026.74969.1108 EN Alireza Moghaddam Deimeh Assistant Professor, Department of Regional Studies, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom; PhD., Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Tehrn, Iran Sadegh Alinejad MA., student, Regional Studies, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2026 06 04 The purpose of this research is to examine the transformation of Qatar's foreign policy from a conservative, security-oriented approach to active and development-driven agency. This transformation does not appear to be merely a change in diplomatic tactics or a response to regional structural developments, but rather a reflection of a broader project at the level of identity and thought—a project aimed at redefining the concept of the "modern Muslim state" and presenting a model of governance consistent with the logic of development and globalization. The starting point of this transition must be sought in 1995, with the transfer of power from Sheikh Khalifa to his son, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani. This transfer was not just a political change, but a rupture in the intellectual orientation of Qatar's leadership. The new Emir, with a pragmatic and modernist vision, sought to bring the small, wealthy country of Qatar out from under the heavy shadow of Saudi Arabia and redefine it within a new framework of regional politics. From this point onward, Qatar's foreign policy was based on three main components: economic developmentalism relying on gas resources, media diplomacy through the Al Jazeera network, and selective support for moderate Islamist movements, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood. This combination allowed Qatar both to project an image of a modern, successful state and to establish itself as a supporter of a type of moderate Islamism. Using James Rosenau's "linkage" model, this research shows that the evolution of Qatar's foreign policy is the result of the simultaneous interaction of five levels of analysis: the individual characteristics of leaders, their role and position within the power structure, the characteristics of the governance system, the country's social and ideological context, and finally, the pressures and opportunities of the international environment. At the individual level, the personalities of Sheikh Hamad and, after him, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad play a decisive role. Unlike traditional leaders of the Persian Gulf, they adopted a rational, pragmatic, yet simultaneously ideological approach. Their goal was not merely security and survival, but building a global image of Qatar as a pioneering, development-oriented Muslim country. At the governmental level, the concentration of power within the Al Thani family and the absence of powerful opposing institutions enabled rapid and unified decision-making. Such a structure became the link between the Emir's individual will and the state's macro-objectives, transforming foreign policy into an efficient tool for realizing the national developmentalist project. At the social and ideological level, Qatar has drawn from two main sources: enormous wealth from oil and natural gas exports, and a particular tendency towards the discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood. A moderate, pragmatic interpretation of the Brotherhood's discourse, emphasizing the connection between religion and progress, offers a model of "effective Islam" that aligns with the mindset of Qatar's rulers. On the other hand, oil and gas wealth provided the material means to implement ambitious, costly, and development-oriented policies—from establishing the Al Jazeera network to global investment and hosting international events. In this way, Qatar was able to institutionalize a specific type of moderate Islam within the framework of its developmentalist foreign policy and present an image of modern, global Islam. At the international level, this transformation has emerged from complex geopolitical equations. By maintaining a US military base on its soil and participating in Western security arrangements, Qatar relatively secured its own safety while simultaneously using this position to increase its regional influence. At the same time, the ideological rivalry with Saudi Arabia over the interpretation of political Islam became a primary driver of Qatar's foreign policy. In contrast to the conservative, authoritarian reading, Qatar sought to present a face of moderate, dialogue-oriented, media-savvy, and development-oriented Islam. This rivalry not only intellectually distinguished Qatar from Saudi Arabia but also transformed it regionally into an actor with a cultural and ideological mission. The findings of the paper indicate that Qatar's developmentalist foreign policy should be understood as a form of "soft power of a Muslim country"—power exercised not through force and coercion, but through symbolic capital, media, education, investment, and cultural diplomacy. Through global branding by hosting events like the 2022 FIFA World Cup, investing in scientific and cultural centers, and supporting reformist discourse in the Arab world, Qatar has sought to simultaneously increase its international and Islamic legitimacy. Thus, Qatar's foreign policy has become a tool for constructing a new identity in which Islam is seen not as an obstacle to development but as an important factor enabling it.

https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_79991_11c552c145dd3507a033b05cc7949a4b.pdf