Islamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101The Quran and Human Experience in Governance7287810810.22081/jips.2025.72390.1084ENYuosefKhanmohammadiAssociate Professor, Research Center for Interdisciplinary Studies of the Quran, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20250720The governance in the modern state and the interaction between the state and society are among the most complex issues of governance today in the realm of political thought. Iranian society is a religious-based society; therefore, in order to conceptualize an ideal governance, it is essential to refer to the most important epistemological and practical source of Muslims. Accordingly, the central concern of this research is whether and to what extent human experience can be utilized to improve and enhance governance, from the perspective of the Quran. To design an ideal political governance that is comprehensive and developmental, according to the needs of Iranian society, it is necessary to present the fundamental question of the research before the Quran: What is the Quranic logic regarding the necessity of using human experience in governance? Reflection on the Quran reveals that, in addition to agreeing and aligning with human experiences, the Quran suggests the necessity of using lived human experiences in governance. The Quran presents human experiences in the form of thought-provoking stories and even repeats some of these experiences. By employing the method of thematic interpretation, this research confirms the following findings in support of the necessity of using human experiences: the need to study the transformations of human social life in the Quran; the affirmation of the nature of some institutions and elements, such as trade and transactions, marriage and divorce, jihad and peace, under the title of Islam's endorsed laws (aḥkām imḍāʾī); the method of selecting rulers in a free environment through "bay’a" (pledge of allegiance), which is a kind of contract between the state and the people; and how decision-making and policy formulation is based on "shūrā" (consultation), as well as the governance and management of society based on scientific knowledge, with a focus on justice and freedom in organizing the common good for all members of society.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78108_99de04c54f11859dc97a496671069e01.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101The Ashura Movement and Dimensions of Reinterpreting Islamic Political Rationality29527810910.22081/jips.2025.70347.1067ENQodratullahQorbaniProfessor, Department of Philosophy, Kharazmi University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20241120To honor the Ashura movement, it is essential to reinterpret Islamic political rationality in its various dimensions. This task necessitates recognizing and distinguishing the roles<br />of three significant variables, including goals, methods, and tools in this movement. Characteristics such as universality, stability, global applicability, sanctity, alignment with human nature and religious texts, and the maximal acceptance of the goals of the Ashura movement underscore their central importance relative to methods and tools. These characteristics even render the nature and role of methods and tools meaningful only in light of the goals. Accordingly, the enjoining of good and forbidding of evil, as the most crucial religious and political goal, alongside other sacred and universal goals of the Ashura movement, determines the nature and functioning of methods such as mourning rituals and tools, because methods and tools are valuable only when they serve meaningful goals. Moreover, paying attention to the hierarchical relationship between the three variables of knowledge, affection, and obedience to the Imams, particularly Imam al-Ḥusayn, is crucial in deriving religious and political models from the Ashura movement. This focus prevents excess emotionalism and enhances our religious and political rationality. Ultimately, <br />the necessity of religious and political rationality in the Ashura movement requires distinguishing the intrinsic attributes of the Imams, especially Imam al-Ḥusayn, from their incidental attributes. Specifically, recognizing their role in religious guidance, from which the enjoining of good arises, is more important than focusing on seeking worldly and otherworldly needs from them. Thus, our religious and political rationality demands that we seek and follow the true goals of the Imamate and the Ashura movement, utilizing only those methods and tools that prove useful and effective, as methods and tools are temporary and transient and do not possess inherent sanctity.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78109_12dae75c02226397e92e1482a3864858.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101The Geopolitics of Arba'in and the Construction of a New Islamic Civilization53747811010.22081/jips.2025.72467.1089ENMohammadSotoudehAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Baqer
al-Olum University, Qom, IranJournal Article20250726The Arba'in pilgrimage, as a capital for Islamic countries, with its long-standing history, especially in recent decades, has influenced the regional and global distribution of power and altered geopolitical calculations, ushering them into a new phase. The most significant geopolitical achievement of Arba'in is that it has transformed Muslim nations, which previously occupied a marginal position, into central players by leveraging their strategic location, thus creating a foundation for profound changes in the process of building the new Islamic civilization. This article, in response to the main question of what role the geopolitics of Arba'in plays in the construction of the new Islamic civilization, employs a descriptive-analytical method and uses the theoretical literature of critical geopolitics to test the hypothesis that the geopolitics of Arba'in, according to its codes—consisting of the presuppositions, principles, goals, and ideals of the Arba'in actors—has significant potential in the construction of the new Islamic civilization. These potentials are explained according to the guiding, normative, and behavioral rules. In this context, at the level of geopolitical weight and status, the evaluation and elevation of the status of Muslims in the light of Arba'in’s significance were discussed, and the concept of power accumulation, security-building, and influence was clarified. Regarding the geopolitical identity of Arba'in, three factors (place) or geography (space), networks and social relations, and (time) or history were considered. It was stated that the spiritual realm of Arba'in is not confined to the territorial borders of a single country but, like a shining sun, embraces all Muslim people. The geopolitics of Arba'in has impacted all freedom-loving humans, regardless of their ethnicity, race, or nationality. Furthermore, civil society institutions and grassroots networks have emerged spontaneously and voluntarily in collective actions to support the symbols and representations of Husayni values, playing their historical role with sincerity and spirituality in the formation of civilizational and transcendent relations within the Arba'in community. On the other hand, the long-standing history and institutionalization of this unparalleled event over time reflects the foundational roots that nourish the tree of Islamic civilization. Accordingly, the relationship between the geopolitics of Arba'in and civilization-building in terms of religious centrality, rationality, ethical transcendence, community building, and the creation of an inclusive ummah was examined. It was stated that the foundation of the new Islamic civilization is the divine values and beliefs entrusted to the great community of Arba'in. The elevated human being is the primary architect of the new Islamic civilization—humans who, based on both material and spiritual rationality, pursue divine closeness in their plans and actions. Adherence to human and elevated ethics within the Arba'in community prepares a powerful capacity for civilization-building. The formation of grassroots institutions in light of religious teachings, rational thought, and the ethics of the elevated human being illustrates capacities that can lay the groundwork for a civilizational society. This society, united by a common goal based on the deep beliefs of Arba'in, creates an inclusive ummah that transcends the state-nation and geographical borders.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78110_56f6ed9a05615e3f3e628c640eb86782.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101The Theoretical Challenges of Salafism for the Islamic World751007811110.22081/jips.2025.69107.1059ENSeyyed MohsenTabatabaie FarSeminary of Qom; PhD., Department of Political Science, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, IranJournal Article20240518The main objective of this research is to explore and critically analyze the intellectual and theological foundations of the Salafist movement, which has had a significant impact on the Islamic world, particularly in the Middle East, over the past one hundred and fifty years. This study aims to identify the fundamental principles of Salafi thought, its unique methodology in engaging with and interpreting sacred texts (the Quran and Sunnah), and<br />to highlight the theoretical challenges posed by this movement to the broader Islamic<br />world and other Islamic interpretations. Given the role of Salafism in shaping negative phenomena such as Islamophobia and internal conflicts, a precise understanding of its intellectual roots and challenging points is essential for a conscious engagement with this movement. This research seeks to answer the following questions: On which principles are the intellectual and theological foundations of Salafism based? What is the Salafi approach and methodology in understanding and interpreting religious texts, and how does it differ from other Islamic intellectual movements (such as religious revivalism and religious intellectualism)? What are the main weaknesses and theoretical challenges of Salafi thought that could pose problems for the Islamic world? The core issue is a deeper understanding of the intellectual mechanisms of a movement that, despite its apparent diversity in tactics (ranging from missionary to jihadist), is nourished by a single theoretical origin. By presenting a specific interpretation of Islam, it consistently has the potential to influence the social and political spheres of Muslim communities, making an understanding of it crucial for analyzing current trends in the Islamic world. This research employs qualitative content analysis to examine the primary and key texts produced by theorists and followers of the Salafi movement. The data collection method is based on library and documentary studies. The aim is to identify the common intellectual foundations of various Salafi groups by referencing primary sources and analyzing the dominant discourse within these texts. Additionally, a comparative method is used to distinguish the Salafi approach from two other major currents of contemporary Islamism: religious revivalism and religious intellectualism. This approach allows for a more precise identification of the unique characteristics and points of divergence within Salafism. Analyses show that Salafis regard the first three centuries of Islam as the golden age and the standard of correct belief and practice. They view the way out of decline as a return, unconditionally, to the lifestyle and religious understanding of that era. This movement emphasizes a literal and direct understanding of the Quran and Sunnah, without the need for specialized interpretative methods (jurisprudential, theological, philosophical, or mystical). Any form of exegesis, rational interpretation, or attention to the objectives of Sharia is considered an innovation and deviation. A basic knowledge of the Arabic language is deemed sufficient for understanding the religion (ittibāʿ al-naṣṣ, literally: following the scripture). Salafis, by bypassing the framework of the Four Sunni Schools and the traditional system of ijtihad and following the mujtahid (taqlīd), believe that every Muslim can and must directly refer to the texts. Although the return to tradition is a shared concern among many Islamic movements, Salafis interpret it as a return to the understanding and practice of the Righteous Predecessors (Salaf Ṣāliḥ), rejecting any rational or historical revisions. Salafis view modernity and the manifestations of Western civilization as innovations and modern ignorance (jāhiliyya), because they lack precedent in the era of the Salaf and are contrary to the apparent understanding of the texts. Consequently, their approach to these phenomena is generally rejection and confrontation (and, in the jihadist form, struggle). The ultimate political goal of Salafis is the revival of the historical caliphate system with all its traditional functions. They consider modern nation-states to be illegitimate and believe that the only way for Muslims to regain dignity is through the re-establishment of the caliphate, based on their understanding of Sharia. This research concludes that Salafi thought, despite its claim of a return to authentic Islam, poses serious theoretical challenges for the Islamic world. These include the appropriation and distortion of fundamental Islamic concepts, intolerance towards pluralism and the promotion of violence, opposition to rationality and human achievements, the weakening of Islamic unity, the strengthening of Islamophobia, and the marginalization of more compassionate and rational interpretations of Islam.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78111_b965d967c8821adb932019d6efbd4a62.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101Trauma, Myth, and Politics: Islamic Fundamentalism as Retrotopian Populism1011207811210.22081/jips.2025.70990.1072ENMohsenAbbaszadeh MarzbaliAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Mazandaran, Babolsar, IranJournal Article20250203While the politics of violence in Islamic fundamentalism has caught many eyes and hearts, there has been a void in the analysis of its populist dimension. A potentially insightful perspective might be to focus on the connection between the rise of reactionary mass movements and the effects of theories and practices of modernization. What connections does radical religious populism have with experiences of modernization?<br />The paper hypothesizes that the evolution of fundamentalist ideology and movement<br />can be narrated as the unfolding of constant, triangular interaction among collective<br />trauma resulting from community dislocation, mythical meaning-making, and mobilizing populism. Built on a combinative framework derived from Arendt's conception of mass society and Cassirer, as well as Barthes's conceptualizations of mythical thinking, this paper explores the interconnection of the discontents of modernity, the rise of mythical political worldviews, and politics as a mission for community building. In this vein, the paper highlights the relation between the mythical reduction of sharia, the fantasy of “the pure society,” and the constructive function of sacred violence in Islamic fundamentalism, focusing on Jihadi Salafism. Lastly, within a comparative framework, the paper argues that politics of violence in Islamic fundamentalism as religious populism is less derived from Islam than a specific narrative of truth (in mythical political worldview) that can also be viewed in other modern ideologies such as fascism and communism; a narrative which has a considerable connection with discontents of modernity.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78112_30efe93923ad08bb1622289db74f3793.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101Contributions of ʿUrf (Custom) to Politics and Political Structure with a View to Shia Jurisprudence (From the Perspective of Shia Jurists)1211447811310.22081/jips.2025.72385.1083ENOmidKhalili-MehrDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, TehranMajidTavasoli RoknabadiDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Law, Theology, and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranAliShirkhaniDepartment of Political Science, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran.Journal Article20250720Custom or customary practice (ʿurf) is an important phenomenon in Shiite jurisprudence, which became more intertwined with its discourse after the dominance of the Usuli scholars over the Akhbari tradition. The main objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive and independent summary of innovative customary practices and<br />their significant roles in the political realm and the political structure, approached from a jurisprudential and novel perspective with operational attention to them. This leads to the resolution of one of the crucial issues in political jurisprudence. Strengthening the primary (or authentic) role of custom, both theoretically and practically, in the face of its neglect in various political and structural domains is among the key and practical goals. Notably, although, since the recent century, Shiite jurisprudence has developed new terms such as "sīra" (tradition) and "bināʾ al-ʿuqalāʾ" (the established practice of the rational), and as a result, there is relative efficiency of custom in the realms of jurisprudence and ijtihad, the use of custom—especially in the context of political issues and political jurisprudence—has remained scattered. Therefore, the question raised in this research is related to the customary innovations in politics and its structure from a jurisprudential-theoretical approach. What is the role of custom from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and Shia jurists in politics and its related structure? What are its innovative aspects from a jurisprudential viewpoint? This is considered a key research question, and providing a substantiated answer to it, while considering the political and social processes of each era and their role in shaping the theoretical foundations of multiple jurists, will yield important results. In the present work, through a descriptive-analytical method and a jurisprudential approach, we will elucidate the innovative aspects of custom. Accordingly, by considering factors such as revisiting the theoretical framework of jurists and adopting their principles in the political and social events of their time—particularly focusing on the political-social conditions of the Constitutional Revolution and its aftermath—and analyzing their views and opinions when faced with the events and incidents surrounding them, important results regarding the establishment and innovations of custom in politics have been extracted. As a result, aspects such as: the practical application of the principle of "repelling the more corrupt with the less corrupt" (dafʿ al-afsad bi-l-fāsid) in politics based on custom, the establishment of a political system based on general elections and majority rule, the non-separation of religion and politics with an emphasis on custom, the development of laws and customary institutions (such as the consultative assembly and the executive branch) during the Constitutional period, the theoretical attention to enjoining good, forbidding evil, and advice to the Muslim community, theorizing the council and customary consultation in political jurisprudence, and the expansion of the "zone of legal lacuna" (minṭaqat al-farāgh al-sharʿī) to allow for the operation of customary reason after the Constitutional period and in the present era, are among the most significant establishments and innovations of custom in politics and political jurisprudence. These were considered within the intellectual and theoretical framework of some of the jurists of the Constitutional period, such as Ayatollah Nāʾīnī, and some other contemporary jurists. The conclusion drawn from this is that in Shia jurisprudence, custom has had significant innovations in the realm of politics from the Constitutional period onward. Although in some cases, these innovations were based on desperate necessity (iḍṭirār) and the principle of "repelling the more corrupt with the less corrupt," in the view of some contemporary jurists, legitimacy and originality have been granted to them in areas like allegiance, elections, the formation of government, enjoining good, etc. This innovative approach has introduced a new and practical transformation regarding custom in the political realm.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78113_de35a01549f4401980aa15bc7129e823.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101A Comparative Study of the Theory of State by Hassan al-Banna and Maududi1451667811410.22081/jips.2025.72414.1086ENRezaEisaniaAssistant Professor, Research Institute of Political Science and Thought, Research Institute for Islamic Culture and Thought, Qom, IranJournal Article20250721This article presents a comparative analysis of the state theories in the thoughts of Hassan al-Banna and Abul A'la Maududi, two prominent thinkers of the Islamic world in the 20<sup>th</sup> century who sought to redefine the role of religion in the political structure and offer solutions to postcolonial challenges and modernity. The primary objective of the research is to identify the commonalities and differences in their views on the foundations, structure, and functions of the Islamic state. The main hypothesis is that Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, presents a more hierarchical and centralized theory of the Islamic state, while Maududi, the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami, proposes a more consultative and participatory approach. To test this hypothesis, content analysis and<br />a comparative theoretical framework are employed to reveal deeper similarities and differences by carefully examining the texts of both thinkers and the historical-cultural contexts that influenced them.<br />The findings of the research indicate that both theories consider Islamic Sharia as the primary source of legislation and administering the society, emphasizing the necessity of<br />a just government to combat corruption and implement religious rulings. Both believe<br />that ultimate sovereignty belongs to God and that the state is merely a tool for realizing religious objectives. However, there are fundamental differences in the organization of power. Influenced by the political conditions in Egypt and the need to resist Western colonialism, Hassan al-Banna presents a centralized image of the Islamic state, where the ruler acts under the supervision of the "Ahl al-Ḥall wa-l-ʿAqd" (people of decision and contract), and the principle of Da'wah (invitation) serves as the core of the state. He emphasizes the importance of Islamic brotherhood beyond national and ethnic identities, viewing the state as a mission-oriented institution responsible for educating society and reviving Islamic values. In contrast, Maududi proposes the concept of theodemocracy, a system where ultimate sovereignty belongs to God, but the implementation of laws and management of affairs is carried out through a council of Muslims. He stresses the broad participation of Muslims in decision-making, though subject to the condition of conformity with Sharia.<br />In the comparative section, the article highlights several other key differences:<br />1) View on Democracy: Maududi considers Western democracies to be authoritarian and suggests a system under the supervision of Sharia, while al-Banna focuses more on transparency and accountability in political processes.<br />2) Non-Muslim Participation: Maududi asserts that non-Muslims do not have the right to participate in the Islamic government, whereas al-Banna ignores this issue.<br />3) Electoral Structure: Maududi believes that no individual can nominate themselves for governmental responsibilities, while al-Banna emphasizes councils and accountability.<br />In the field of political science, this research contributes to a better understanding of contemporary Islamist movements and demonstrates how Islam, as a dynamic intellectual system, can adapt to modern challenges such as democracy, human rights, and social justice. In policymaking, a precise understanding of the theories of these two thinkers can be valuable for politicians and diplomats in their interactions with Islamic movements. Ultimately, the results of the research highlight that the theoretical differences between<br />al-Banna and Maududi not only reflect the diversity in Islamic thought but also offer models for the adaptability of political systems in Islamic societies. This analysis further shows that Islam, based on its general principles and jurisprudential foundations, has vast capacities to address the needs of the times and contemporary challenges. Therefore, understanding these differences can contribute to the reform of political and social processes in Islamic societies and provide solutions for engaging with modern issues.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78114_6712b7ad1f0eba3dd16b74bb5d5e47f4.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101The Relationship Between the Role of General Will in Modern Law and Islamic State Law in Imam Khomeini’s Jurisprudential-Political Thought1671887811510.22081/jips.2025.72396.1085ENSeyed EhsanRafiei AlaviAssociate Professor, Department of Law, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, IranHamidMaddahzadehPhD. Student, Department of Jurisprudence, Fundamentals of Law, and Imam Khomeini's Thought, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, IranJournal Article20250720One of the theoretical and practical challenges between the modern legal system and the legal system of the Islamic state is the relationship between <em>fiqh</em> (Islamic jurisprudence; henceforth, simply as “jurisprudence”) and law. In the Islamic state, jurisprudence is considered the primary source of legislation, whereas in modern legal systems, law is primarily derived from the element of the "general will." This fundamental difference has led to questions regarding the compatibility or incompatibility of these two legislative models. The main issue of this research is to examine the position of "general will" in modern law and compare it with the position of this concept in the law of the Islamic state as conceived by Imam Khomeini. This research pursues two main objectives:
1) To explain the position of "general will" in the modern legal system and analyze its relation to law based on jurisprudence.
2) To examine the views of Imam Khomeini, the architect of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in order to clarify how jurisprudence and law interact within the framework of the Islamic state.
This research was conducted using an analytical-descriptive method and based on library resources. In this regard, the theoretical foundations of the "general will" in modern law were first examined, and then, through the analysis of Imam Khomeini's views, the position of this concept in the law of the Islamic state was explained. The findings of the research can be summarized as follows:
1) In the modern legal system, law is defined as the manifestation of the general will, and its legitimacy is dependent on the will of the majority of society. This perspective is rooted in the ideas of the social contract, which sees law as a human-made and changeable construct.
2) In Imam Khomeini's jurisprudential-legal system, although law must align with the principles of Islamic sharia, the role of the people in legislation is not overlooked. He emphasized the theory of "Wilāyat al-Faqīh" (Guardianship of the Jurisprudent), asserting that the legitimacy of government requires popular acceptance, but the content of laws must be within the framework of Islamic rulings. In other words, the "general will" is understood within the framework of divine law, not independently of it. According to Article 56 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the sovereignty of the people exists within the sovereignty of God, and, conversely, it can be said that Islam sets the limits for the republican aspect of the system.
3) The interaction between jurisprudence and law in Imam Khomeini’s thought demonstrates that jurisprudence can respond to the evolving needs of society by utilizing ijtihad (juridical reasoning) while maintaining the fixed principles of Islam. This is particularly evident in Imam Khomeini's ijtihad-based model and his special attention to the role of time and place in ijtihad. According to Imam Khomeini, the form of government depends on the temporal and spatial requirements determined by the people, but its content must be based on Islamic laws and rulings. This perspective offers a way to reduce the apparent conflicts between jurisprudence and modern law.
This research shows that, although the foundations of the legitimacy of law differ in the modern system and the Islamic state, Imam Khomeini’s thought does not entirely dismiss the role of the people in the Islamic government. Rather, it is defined within the framework of Sharia. This finding can help reduce the theoretical challenges between the two legal systems and prevent potential misinterpretations of the relationship between religion and law in the Islamic Republic.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78115_6dfcc6efcc2bc282b13ba0a07cddcae3.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101The Theological Foundations of Resistance in Imam Khomeini’s Thought1892107811610.22081/jips.2025.78116ENMostafa Jafar TTayari DehaghaniAssistant Professor, Department of Shiite Studies, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranSeyed AbolhassanNavvabProfessor, Department of Law and Comparative Jurisprudence, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranMohammad SalehNamazizadehPhD. Student, Department of Shiite Studies, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranJournal Article20250828Imam Khomeini made significant strides in utilizing theological foundations<br />and, through his interpretations, derived notable and decisive insights. His personality<br />is unparalleled in the contemporary era, embodying a multifaceted human being with expertise in fields such as jurisprudence, principles of jurisprudence, theology, mysticism, politics, and governance. These various dimensions of his thought and character are intricately intertwined, making it challenging for researchers to isolate any single feature. However, to understand Imam Khomeini’s ideas, one must delve into the foundational principles behind his thoughts. For many years, the concept of resistance has taken on a distinctive and special form, its essence and authenticity deeply rooted in Shiite theological principles. The innovator, interpreter, propagator, and promoter of this concept is none other than Imam Khomeini. His thought, based on Shiite theological foundations, has followers from every corner of the world-east and west, from every religion and sect, whether Muslim or non-Muslim, and from all races, genders, and countries. Imam Khomeini’s philosophy of resistance is derived from Shiite teachings, grounded in the Quran, the Sunnah, and reason. This philosophy, which is continuously evolving in the form of opposition to arrogance and the fight against polytheism, infidelity, and atheism, is based on Quranic teachings and the theological thought of Twelver Shiism. It transcends time, place, and geography and is never subject to cessation. Therefore, this research aims to elucidate the theological foundations of the theory of resistance in Imam Khomeini’s thought and to derive the results of his theological perspective. It will answer the question: What are the theological foundations of the deep and profound concept of resistance in Imam Khomeini’s view? This article is based on archival research and employs historical, interpretive, comparative, and content analysis methods. In this study, various subjects from Imam Khomeini’s viewpoint are addressed, including: divine monotheism, practical monotheism (including sincerity and piety), divine justice (including fate and free will), prophethood and the prophets, leadership and the concept of the Guardianship of the Jurist (<em>Wilāyat-i Faqīh</em>), the principle of governance, the belief in Mahdism and the reappearance of the Imam of the time and waiting for his return, resurrection, martyrdom, the command to enjoin good and forbid evil, unity, steadfastness, opposition to arrogance, following the guidance of a single religious leader, success in fulfilling duties, and both faithful and<br />non-faithful resistance. Ultimately, the outcome of this research highlights the unique perspective of Twelver Shiism in confronting oppression and the oppressors, underscoring the necessity of resistance and perseverance against them, even to the point of voluntary death, which is martyrdom. Imam Khomeini revived this outlook in the contemporary world and added a crucial element: the resistance to oppression itself, positioning it alongside the concepts of the oppressor and the oppressed, or the dominant and the dominated. This perspective was then gifted to the world today. The practical outcome of Imam Khomeini's resistance philosophy is the global struggle against imperialism, which today is manifested in the resistance front’s battle against the forces of evil, namely the United States and Israel, as we witness in the ongoing global resistance movement.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78116_1f7dee5062db8f2867e15caee6692af1.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101Strategies of Political Justice in Imam Khomeini’s Thought2112327811710.22081/jips.2025.72415.1087ENَAmirHeydari KhoyiDepartment of Political Science, Semnan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Semnan, Iran.Seyed KazemSeyed BagheriAssociate Professor, Department of Politics, Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, Tehran, IranHosseinRezapourAssistant Professor, Department of Medical Sciences, Semnan University of Medical Sciences, Semnan, IranJournal Article20250721The primary aim of this study is to examine the strategies of political justice in the thought of Imam Khomeini and to analyze how this concept is articulated as a central signifier in his political discourse. Justice occupies a central position in his thought, to the extent that other political concepts and values derive their meaning in relation to it. Imam Khomeini views justice not merely as a theoretical concept, but as a foundational principle for organizing both society and the Islamic state. From his perspective, political justice is a continuum of meanings within a monotheistic system, where the implementation of divine laws is seen as essential, with justice at its core. The central question of this research is: What are the strategies of political justice in Imam Khomeini’s thought, and how are these strategies articulated within his intellectual framework? This question seeks to uncover how Imam Khomeini, from theological and jurisprudential standpoints, offers practical pathways for realizing justice in an Islamic political system. The methodology of this research is based on discourse analysis. Using this method, Imam Khomeini’s texts, speeches, and writings are examined to trace how the semantic network of justice takes shape and how it connects with other key signifiers in his discourse. This analysis aims to identify the semantic markers related to political justice and determine how they are structured within his monotheistic worldview. The study’s key findings reveal that political justice in Imam Khomeini’s thought is articulated through three overarching strategies: (1) Structural Strategy: This strategy is reflected in the establishment of the Islamic Republic and emphasizes the creation of a political structure centered on the implementation<br />of divine law and the realization of justice. Within this framework, <em>wilāyat-i faqīh</em> (guardianship of the jurist) and the sovereignty of divine law are presented as the main instruments for achieving structural justice. (2) Distributive Strategy: This approach emphasizes equal access for all to political and social opportunities, broad political participation, and meritocracy. Imam Khomeini holds that individuals should attain political and social positions based on competence and merit, free from discrimination.<br />(3) Restorative Strategy: This strategy focuses on addressing and reducing social and political inequalities. It includes raising political awareness, eliminating deprivation, and supporting the oppressed or the underprivileged (<em>mustaḍʿafīn</em>) as fundamental measures for healing societal injustices. The study concludes that in Imam Khomeini’s thought, political justice is not merely an ideal but a criterion for assessing the legitimacy of the political system. It serves as a guiding principle for all social and political transformations, as well as a foundation for governance and policymaking. By placing justice at the heart of his political discourse, Imam Khomeini presents a model in which the structure of power, distribution of resources, and redress of social harms must all serve the realization of divine justice—thus enabling all citizens to access political rights and human dignity.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78117_daebff82bb8d0b5ba7738b1f46c48258.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101The Theory of the Guardianship of the Jurist as a Mechanical or Organic System2332527811810.22081/jips.2025.72354.1081ENSeyed GholamrezaMousaviAssistant Professor, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran.Journal Article20250719Based on the principles of Islamic governance and the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the institution of the Guardianship of the Jurist (<em>wilāyat al-faqīh</em>) is not considered an independent branch alongside the three traditional branches of government. Rather, the executive, legislative, and judicial branches are formed within the framework of the will and oversight of the Supreme Leader (Jurist Guardian), interacting with each other. In this model, while the three branches enjoy relative independence, they are coordinated under the leadership of the Supreme Leader. According to this theory, the sovereignty<br />and leadership belong to the jurist, who stands at the top of the power structure, and the legitimacy of all system components derives from him. The Supreme Leader serves as a central figure for the unity of society and government, overseeing the performance of government officials and assuming responsibility for the macro-level policy-making and guidance of the system. The political system of the Islamic Republic, which is based on the theory of the Guardianship of the Jurist, can be analyzed both as a mechanical system and as an organic system. In mechanical systems, the components operate based on inherent laws and internal structure, having a stable and static framework. Such a system, with its centralization and formality, is designed for the execution of uniform tasks and precise control of plans, showing less flexibility in response to unforeseen changes. On the other hand, organic systems, with their dynamism and flexibility similar to living systems, engage in complex interactions and relationships with their environment, enabling them to respond to changing and unpredictable conditions. This concentration of power and leadership within the institution of the Guardianship of the Jurist has led some to question whether the political system of the Islamic Republic is, in essence, a mechanical system or an organic one. I argue that the Guardianship of the Jurist system is a combination of both types and benefits from the advantages of each. In this combination, the Islamic Republic system draws on the stability and permanence of the mechanical system to maintain cohesion, while also leveraging the flexibility of the organic system to adapt to social and political changes. This article, through an analytical approach, aims to explore this claim and demonstrate how the theory of the Guardianship of the Jurist, as a hybrid system, allows for the application of both stable and flexible management principles, thereby responding to the diverse needs of the Islamic society.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78118_ecbcd11c193f8feea99bb524f2822a8f.pdfIslamic Sciences and Culture AcademyJournal of Islamic Political Studies2676-29437120250101Representation of the Social and Political Status of Women in the Quran and Iranotopian Thought2532737811910.22081/jips.2025.72359.1082ENLeilaOmidiDepartment of Political Science, Khorramabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad, IranAliFallahi SeifodinDepartment of Political Science, Khorramabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad, IranAliFallhnejadDepartment of Political Science, Khorramabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khorramabad, Iran0000-0002-6436-8205Journal Article20250720In light of social, historical, and intellectual developments, the view of women and their social status has become one of the central concerns of human societies. Investigating the intellectual roots, beliefs, and established doctrines of a society toward women inevitably begins with studying the doctrinal sources and the thoughts of the intellectual leaders of that society. Similarly, an analysis of the contemporary social status of Iranian women cannot present a comprehensive image without tracing back to the intellectual sources of this perspective. In fact, from a theoretical standpoint, it appears that there is a strong connection between the social status of women in contemporary Iran and these doctrinal sources, as well as the interpretations and beliefs of intellectuals and thinkers. The main concern of this article is to answer the fundamental question: How is woman represented in the Quran and in Iranotopian thought? It is worth noting that when discussing the status of women in the Quran and Iranotopian thought, the focus is on the “gender” of women. In the study of women in Iranotopian thought, the primary texts of this ideology, including the <em>Avesta</em> before Islam, and the <em>Shahnameh</em> and <em>Siyāsatnāma</em> of Khwaja Niẓām al-Mulk after Islam, are taken into consideration. The choice of these two texts stems from the belief that, given the intellectual, political, and social transformations of Iran throughout different historical periods, the current social and cultural structure of Iranian society, in general, and the role and function of women, in particular, cannot be shaped without the influence of these two texts. Given the nature of the research topic, which aims to understand the meaning of woman in two historical texts, the use of a theoretical approach and interpretive and hermeneutic research methods becomes inevitable. This article, based on the interpretive and Skinners's intentional hermeneutic approach, seeks to deconstruct the dominant understanding of woman in the two aforementioned texts. Of course, when the issue is the interpretation of the Quran as a sacred and determinate text, one cannot freely make use of all hermeneutic approaches without paying attention to the epistemological differences between them. Philosophical approaches to hermeneutics, such as Gadamer's interpreter-centered approach, are in existential and epistemological discord with religion. The use of intentional hermeneutic methods, such as Skinner’s approach, in light of the requirements for analysis in a sacred text like the Quran, can be enlightening. Based on the findings of this research, when it comes to the representation of women in the Quran, a distinction must be made between the Quran’s view of the nature and function of women. In terms of creation and dignity, the gender of women is not different from that of men. However, the roles and laws pertaining to women differ greatly from those of men in various fields, including individual, familial, civil, criminal, and political domains. In examining the sacred texts of Iranotopian times, despite a gender-equal perspective in some of the <em>Avesta</em> texts, especially in the <em>Vendidad</em>, women are placed in a subordinate position under the guardianship and authority of men, lacking equal rights with men. This<br />same perspective is observed in the post-Islamic Iranotopian texts, particularly in the <em>Siyāsatnāma</em> of Khwaja Niẓām al-Mulk, which severely condemns the political and social role and presence of women. This research primarily focuses on the main texts and sources using a library-based approach.https://jips.isca.ac.ir/article_78119_4953c81d5558aa4c7209d286264ca2b2.pdf